CETRI
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- Jam Ann Caylan, from advocacy organisation KilosKa (Mindanao, Philippines)
CETRI : What is your situation with regards to the epidemic ?
JC : Here in Iligan, Mindanao, the situation is less problematic today than in Manila. Most activities have been able to resume. There are still restrictions on travel to Davao province, which has one of the highest infection rates in the country, but otherwise things are gradually returning to normal. But a few weeks ago, during the containment, it was really tough. Around here, most people are paid by the day, and if they don’t work, they don’t get paid, and they don’t have any savings, and so on and so forth. There were also big problems with corruption. For example, with food distributions that were largely overpriced. There was really rampant corruption, which was all the more revolting for the people because we were in the middle of a health crisis.
CETRI : What is the health record ?
JC : The Philippines is fortunate to be an archipelago, which means that, in theory, a virus like covid circulates with greater difficulty from one region to another. The first death of the covid in the Philippines was recorded on February 1, 2020. It was also the first recorded death outside China. Although the government announced temporary ban travel to and from China on Feb 2, reports say that there are still flights coming in which took another month before the government decided to totally ban international travels. Mainly because President Duterte, as well as the Department of Health Secretary, did not want to « offend » a country with which he is developing increasingly close relations. Many of the funds for his « Build, build, build » infrastructure program thus come from China.
This has not prevented some cities or regions from taking action earlier. In the Visayas, for example, travel with Wuhan was banned as soon as the first case was confirmed at the end of January. But it was still the state that had the main tools in hand, and because it was slow to act the situation quickly deteriorated [1].
We are now the third largest country in Southeast Asia in terms of the number of infections, the second largest in terms of mortality and the last in terms of recovery. And many people still suspect that the official figures are faked. Independent research by universities, for example, has regularly led to discrepancies with the figures published by the Department of Health (DOH).
CETRI : In your opinion, these poor results are mainly due to the delay in getting an answer or because the country was vulnerable, particularly in terms of medical infrastructure ?
JC : Both. There is indeed an infrastructure problem that is not new. For example, the Philippines has not been able to deploy mass testing due to a lack of capacity and facilities. At the beginning of the outbreak, the first tests had to be sent to Australia to get the results. Even the quarantine spaces for the sick were not adequate. There is also the problem of health care costs. Hospitalization to treat the covid could cost up to 3 million pesos. A crazy amount ! The authorities claim that the national health insurance will cover these costs, but it is not certain. So we have a somewhat confused situation with a huge number of cases and too few health care personnel who, in addition, lack equipment and means and who do not get the help they want, or at least not fast enough. This resulted to several fatalities among healthcare workers.
That is the second problem. The government’s response has been inadequate. First, as I said, it came too late. Part of the reason was to avoid having a falling out with China. Part of it was not to recognize the seriousness of the situation and to admit our level of unpreparedness. For example, the Government continues to deny the importance of mass testing. But it’s just not to recognize that we don’t have enough tests. Yet the population has been calling for testing from the beginning. And in the meantime, it is the indigenous communities and more broadly the poorest communities that are the main victims of the virus. Even when they are tested, they often have to wait so long for the results that they die in the meantime.
Secondly, the measures adopted have been insufficient or contradictory. For example, a problem has arisen with the « going back to the province » (Balik-Probinsya) program, designed to enable internal migrants to return to their regions of origin at state expense. This program has continued despite the epidemic and has been a key vehicle for the spread of the disease in the country, in particular because it has been implemented in a chaotic manner, without consultation with local authorities, etc. The program has not been implemented in a timely and organized manner. Many cities complained that they had to take in these people despite the confinement, without prior testing and without any infrastructure to care for them because they were not informed of their arrival.
Similarly, Overseas Filipino Workers (OFW) [2] have been allowed to return, partly because many have lost their jobs abroad. But their management has also been chaotic. For example, many of them were stranded at Manila airport without being able to return to their region of origin because their flight had been cancelled and they had to sleep on the street in front of the airport for several days. Others were unable to board the boats that were supposed to take them home because the legal requirements had suddenly changed and they also found themselves sleeping near the pier under the storm.
And then there were a lot of injustices as well. For example, there wasn’t enough testing for everyone, including front-line hospital staff, but the rich and famous had no problem getting tested, even several times. In another example, the National Capital Region (NCR) police chief threw a party in the middle of lockdown and bragged about it on social networks. In the face of the outcry, the posts were removed, but this showed the double standard and hypocrisy of power. Especially since the president refused to condemn him, explaining that it was not his fault if people had come to party at his house. And this is not an isolated case. Many leaders and public figures have openly broken the rules without being charged.
CETRI : Exactly what were those rules, and can you elaborate a little more on the government’s response ?
JC : As in other countries, the government’s main response was to impose a strict lockdown on the population, shortly after closing the country to international travel. In concrete terms, public transport was closed, as well as schools, sports halls, churches, businesses, etc. Only essential shops, banking agencies and government offices were allowed to remain open. Everyone was obliged to stay at home, with no one allowed to leave except for essential reasons.
To enforce these measures, the government passed a law in March (The Bayanihan to Heal as One Act) giving the president additional powers. Violation of the rules of confinement and sanitary measures became punishable by imprisonment and checkpoints were erected everywhere. To the point where more people ended up in prison than received any assistance from the government. Over 100,000 people were locked up for violating the rules of confinement [3]. This has also made it even easier for the government to lock up and repress political opponents.
At the same time, the government also obtained « emergency powers » to allow it to release public funds and also to borrow from abroad, particularly from China, to meet the costs of managing the epidemic. We are talking about a trillion already borrowed, but without transparency from the government on the sums and their allocation. For example, there was an « amelioration » program to provide all the Filipinos affected by containment with 6,000 pesos, but they were unable to distribute it to all those who could benefit from it. And now a second tranche was due to arrive for the extension of the containment, but they have no more money. So instead they decided to lift the containment in some places to allow people to go back to work so that they don’t need to receive this aid anymore.
CETRI : There were no other social measures other than this one-time payment ? Especially with regard to the homeless or informal workers ?
JC : No, that’s about all they did in that regard. Right from the start, the police arrested people who had no choice but to violate the confinement, even the homeless ! And the government did nothing to deal with their situation. It was only private initiatives that tried to do something. Humanitarian groups, celebrities who raised funds. Then the government got embarrassed and wanted to do something, but the Department of social welfare was so monopolised by the « amelioration » program that they abandoned everything else. So it’s still a problem to this day. The government’s only social response has been this « amelioration » program, which was just a band-aid solution to allow people to buy a minimum amount of food. And even then, people got the disease by lining up to get this help. There was no thought on the part of the government as to how to organize the distribution of this aid in a way that would be safe for people. Sometimes people had to wait in line for hours, and some even had to come back for several days in a row. And for many, this aid was an absolute necessity. 7 million people are currently unemployed in the country, many of them due to the pandemic. Jeepney [4] drivers, for example, have been a particularly hard hit by the lockdown measures. For most of them, if they cannot drive, they have no income and almost none of them have any money saved.
CETRI : Was there any criticism, any mobilization ?
JC : There has been a lot of criticism of the government’s reaction, from individuals and organizations, especially on social networks. This is often an effective way, if not the only way to get the president to react. The Secretary of Health was particularly targeted, with many people and the senators themselves calling for his resignation, but Duterte simply « forgave » him and said that no one else could do the job anyway.
At the same time, there were also many demonstrations despite the confinement. Most of them were organised by groups or parties linked to the opposition, in particular to denounce and oppose the new anti-terrorist law [5] (see below). But others have been more spontaneous, for example demonstrations by students who were joined by passers-by as they went along, simply because they were fed up with the situation or because they were fed up with the hypocrisy and contradictions of the government. There were also demonstrations by jeepney drivers to get back on the road and to oppose government plans to get rid of traditional jeepneys and replace them with jeepneys from China that would be much more expensive (2 million pesos). An old project that the government has decided to bring back to the forefront using the pandemic as an excuse.
CETRI : How did the authorities react to these mobilizations ?
JC : In general, the participants in these mobilizations made sure to respect social distancing measures and more generally health rules to avoid being arrested. However, the police were always present in force, in full combat gear, arresting people as they pleased. Recently, a dozen young people were arrested here, in Iligan, simply because they had gone out to demonstrate, even though going to the market is allowed. There were also 8 protesters in Cebu who got arrested and eventually released because there weren’t any violation. A group of 10 humanitarian workers giving food to informal settlers in Marikina were also arrested by the same police chief who had a birthday party. And at least 20 Pride protesters got arrested and released because they didn’t violate anything. Basically, every time there is a demonstration, people get arrested, and it’s systematic, even without a clear violation of the rules.
In reaction, the demonstrators try to play with power and its contradictions. For example, after the controversy around the police chief who organised a party in the middle of the lockdown, the demonstrators started to say that their gatherings were also just birthday parties and that nobody could be arrested there until the police chief himself was arrested. In the same way, whenever they arrest someone for a health violation, they can be given the names of public figures they should also arrest for the same reasons.
CETRI : You mentioned a new anti-terrorism law, can you tell us more about it ?
JC : This law replaces the previous anti-terrorist law dating from 2007 (Human Security Act) which some senators considered « obsolete ». The proponents of this law said it did not give the police enough means to catch terrorists, or even impose unnecessary constraints on them. So this new law officially aims to facilitate the work of the police officers in charge of fighting terrorism. The fundamental problem is, of course, that the very notion of « terrorism » as defined by the law is extremely broad. It includes “any act that could conceivably be associated with common crimes like proposal, threat, incitement, conspiracy and even mere membership in an organization that can cause the death or serious bodily injury to any persons”. And yet, “under the law, persons who propose, incite, conspire, and participate in the planning, training, and facilitation an offence under the act, as well as those who provide support to ‘terrorists’ as defined under the act, or recruit members of a ‘terrorist organisation’, could face life imprisonment without parole.” [6]
As can be seen, many of these acts of « terrorism » can apply to simple demonstrations or to opponents. And red-tagging is becoming more and more widespread in the country, not only among the police but also among the military, which treats all opponents as members of radical left-wing groups [7]. And this is alarming because they basically consider these groups to be terrorists, and they’ve just made that official through this law. A simple demonstration, a simple Facebook post, a meme, all of these can now be considered as activities that incite terrorism.
It’s part of a more general polarization and radicalization of society, with more and more individuals who don’t hesitate to call mere protesters terrorists. Of course, they say you have nothing to fear if you are not a terrorist. But in fact, this is tantamount to saying that you have nothing to fear if you do not complain, if you do not criticize the government. Human rights groups and many lawyers believe that this law will severely affect the ability of citizens to speak freely. It can therefore be seen as a way for Duterte to stay in power. One senator recently let it slip out that with this law there was no need to declare martial law [8]. This need to control the population is all the more pressing because the authorities are afraid that their disastrous handling of the pandemic will lead to uprisings or riots. It is therefore a matter of anticipating this threat by acquiring the means to act preventively. Another aspect of this law is the possibility for a government-appointed committee to determine the list of terrorist suspects or organizations. If you find yourself on that list, you can be detained for 14 to 24 days and the law deleted the current requirement for officers to present an arrested suspect to a judge for assessment of whether the suspect has been subjected to physical, moral or psychological torture. Knowing the situation, concerned lawyers for civil liberties in the Philippines started a campaign using #LawyersAllRise expressing to tag them up or use the hashtag if any individuals are arrested, have issues with the police force or human rights violations in connection to the Anti-terrorism Act.
CETRI : There have also been attacks on certain media outlets, right ?
JC : Yes, the country’s largest broadcasting channel (ABS-CBN) had to close down during the pandemic. Officially, because its franchise expired. However, the group had applied for its renewal as early as 2014, but the authorities let the file drag on [9]. In reality, the president had long been angry with it because it was a very critical channel. In 2016, it failed to broadcast a campaign clip by Duterte until the legal deadline for broadcasting this type of political advertising ended, and they also failed to fully refund the President (they did eventually but Duterte rejected the refund), a decision that earned it the president’s wrath. Other (pay-TV) channels in the group are still accessible, but the main channel to which the entire population had access has had to be closed, which is a serious attack on media pluralism and the public’s ability to access critical discourse. More than two million people lost their main source of information overnight.
At the same time, the country’s journalists have also been singled out for their outspokenness. There was the high-profile trial of journalist Maria Ressa, who worked for CNN Philippines for a long time before taking over the management of « Rappler », one of the most critical online media outlets against the Duterte government. Officially, Ressa was prosecuted - and sentenced to six years in prison ! - for « cyberlibel - a crime under Cybercrime Act of 2012 Section 4c which defines it as “the unlawful or prohibited acts committed by means of writing through a computer a system or any other similar means », but few people were fooled by the political motivations behind the trial. So yes, there is also a hardening of attacks on the critical press, which is also worrying.
CETRI : And despite everything, Duterte remains popular ?
JC : It’s hard to say. More and more people seem to realise how toxic and corrupt he is, but his popularity rate remains excellent (+72%) (note : this latest survey is still from Dec 2019). So much so that one wonders if these polls are not rigged. Especially since they all come from a single source, « Pulse Asia », which we call « False Asia ». Everywhere we go we meet people who are opposed to the president. If you go on social networks, you will find more people supporting him and attacking his opponents, but we know that they also use troll farms. That said, not all of them are trolls. Many sincerely support him and we have to figure out why.
CETRI : What has been the impact of the pandemic on the farmers you support with Kilos Ka ?
JC : Surprisingly, for many small farmers, the containment has been quite beneficial because the state has turned to them to buy food to redistribute to the population. It is also rather ironic, because we have been fighting for more than two years against the rice tariffication law [10] which, among other things, liberalised rice imports with disastrous consequences for local producers - about 250 000 farmers have stopped growing rice because of this law. However, at the beginning of the epidemic, Vietnam announced that it was suspending its rice exports, which plunged leaders into panic as the Philippines now imports a lot of rice from abroad, especially from Vietnam. Exactly what we denounced as the risks associated with the passage of this law...
Other farmers also pointed out that it had been easier for them to promote organic farming during the confinement, as people were more receptive to arguments for better food quality, soil resilience and food self-sufficiency. Even in urban areas, many Filipinos started farming at home to try to be more self-reliant, and because they had more time to devote to it.
Of course, for others it was more complicated, and some farmers ended up with unsold produce that ended up rotting. But for the most part, the crops were bought either by the state or by charitable initiatives, such as community kitchens that also turned to local producers for food. Afterwards, although in theory farmers and fishermen could continue to work, people over 50 years of age could not go out. However, most farmers are older than 50 and therefore could not legally go out to work. There have been announcements of support from the government, but it is not clear how. So we are at least trying to help the peasants get the right information.
