CETRI
On Wednesday the 9th of July the city of Durban grounded to a halt. Public transport was suspended and work was cancelled as the collective will of the workers’ combined to pacify the capitalist system. In a sign of solidarity against mounting socio-economic pressures, impinging on the whole of South African society, unionised workers went on strike. Lead by the Congress Of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and supported by a number of other associations, strikers took to the streets and voiced discontent about recent hikes in the price of electricity, record fuel costs, spiralling food prices, job losses and the escalating inflation and interest rates. Over 3,000 protesters turned out in Durban, with many more across KwaZulu-Natal and the Western Cape. The estimated 80% of workers absent from work that day affected operations in ports, hospitals, factories and businesses while also causing disruption to the work of Durban Magistrate’s Court, with all cases being remanded due to strike action. It was a day on which the social consciousness and the power of the proletarians was revealed ; also highlighted, however, is the political vacuum through which one can see inherent contradictions in the current institutional loyalties of the majority of the unionised working class.
The sun rose on the 9th to find Durban asleep ; as the star began its usual ascent to a mid day crescendo, it was unaccompanied by the typical urban choir ; no taxi horns were beeping, no school children were screaming, and more importantly no workers were working. The city stood motionless ; but before the air could grow stagnate the cause of the deafening silence began to stir. In isolated pockets across the city groups began to congregate, forming bands united in a voice of protest. Making their way through the stillness of the streets civil society was awakened to the fact that despite appearances today was not for peace and quiet, but for cries of emancipation from the shackles of South Africa’s growing economic burden. As an aggregated posse began to mass at Curries Fountain it was clear that the workers were here to voice their discontent both silently and verbally. Banners and placards read “Workers will not pay for Government and ESKOM’s poor planning” and “Forward to a living wage & decent quality jobs” ; while the patchwork of red shirts, the colours of COSATU, swayed, sang and danced together expressing their collective woe in harmonious unity. Cries of “down with the bourgeois” rang out ; followed by an affirmation of “Amandla !” (“Power”) for the workers ; along with Jacob Zuma’s trademark tune “Umshini Wam” (“Bring me my machine gun”). The police gathered in droves watching and waiting ; some sauntered through the crowd in the search of any potential trouble makers ; others waited in heavy armoured vehicles for ethereal violence. The police presence was possibly a result of the recent Inkatha Freedom Party rally, which had protestors causing havoc on a bustling Durban Saturday afternoon just a few weeks prior. The loud speaker continued to play call and response with the crowd, generating a fever of excitement as the collation began to march on City Hall and express their civil distaste.
As the sun continued its ascent the amalgamated sea of red began to flow towards the heart of the city ; streams of protesters continuing to swell the main body’s ranks long after departure. Slowly making its way from Curries Fountain to Warwick Triangle the river of people stopped everything in its path, holding up any vehicles that attempt to cross its route. The crowd were in a jubilant mood, cries of “Amandla !” responded to by “Awethu !” (“To the people”) signalled the intent of movement – the workers wanted to stop the city of Durban from operating. The validity of this claim was clearly evident at Warwick Triangle the city’s main taxi and bus rank, usually a hive of activity but today an economic ghost land. Commuters zipping from one spot to another in any one of the hundreds of brightly coloured taxis normal stationed here were not to be found. Informal traders offering a wide range of commodities to passer-bys, trying to entice workers to relinquish their hard earned wages, were conspicuously absent. While the police who regularly survey the area for any illegitimate activity remained – just in case of trouble. There were no commuters or taxis, and there were no shoppers or traders, because Durban had been shut down by the workers.
By the time the sun was beginning its descent the stream of people had snaked its way from the periphery to the centre ; flowing along Mansfield Road into Winterton Road, then Centenary Road, streaming through Market Road and from there spilling into Dr. Pixely kaSeme Street (formerly West Street). Would-be shoppers were turned in spectators as people lined Pixely kaSame to watch and listen to the throng of red that sang and danced to city hall ; some were absorb into the action ; others clapped and sang from their vantage point ; while others just stared on in wonder. Pixely kaSeme was deserted of commerce ; shops, restaurants and banks closed their doors and shut their shutters as a flood descended on city hall, even traders had stayed away. People of protest filled the road for as far as the eye could see. Journalists scurried about for the best picture of the impassioned march. Workers on their ’day off’ at home, sat on their balconies watching the carnival pass. The sea of red soon crashed at city hall and dispersed to listen to Zwelinzima Vavi speak, Cosatu’s general secretary (and discuss how they were to get home without any of the taxis running).
The collage of red t-shirts that took over the city is a poignant reminder of the social power the unions hold and the ability workers to take affirmative action that were so instrumental in the fight against apartheid. The singing and dancing today, however, is an embodiment of a new struggle with the current socio-economic situation. The recent elevation in the cost of electricity and basic amenities concern every member of South African society ; but it is those at the lower end of the socio-economic scale who are feeling the burden of the financial crunch the greatest. Workers have taken to the streets in order to show the Government their strength and ability to congregate with collective, yet peaceful, force in the face of economic pressure out of their control. Government neo-liberal policy is seen to have exacerbated the situation by acting in the interests of the wealthy minority over those at a lower socio-economic level.
Deciding it was time for action, COSATU used its influence to call together its diverse members in order to show the ruling class that the workers had a voice, and that voice was not content. In fact the Government also showed up to voice protest against itself as the ANC, Young Communist League, ANC Youth League, South African Communist Party, and their sister unions were supporting the march ; other alliance partners involved were the National Union of Metalworkers of SA, the SA Transport and Allied Workers’ Union, the SA Clothing and Textile Workers’ Union, Denosa Nurses’ Union, Communication Workers Union and Phoenix Taxi Association. The diversity and number of groups pulled into action by the umbrella union shows the depth of ill-will felt by workers towards rises in living costs.
Social tensions in South African society have been stretched of late, a fact everyone is aware of after a highly publicised spate of xenophobic violence that placed South Africa in headlines across the globe. Many have claimed that poverty and the failures of the elected Government to deliver in job creation, adequate housing and the provision of services can be seen as the root cause for social unrest ; leading to a number of communities across South Africa to vent their frustrations out on an easy targets : immigrants and refugees. The rest of society was quick to distance itself from the violence, condemning the perpetrators as not reflecting the real spirit of the rainbow nation. The outburst of rage across South Africa was more than just nonsensical criminality, as some have claimed, but reflected real grievances with the quality of life many South Africans face ; where costs of living are constantly rising while job opportunities seem to be shrinking by the day.
The strikes carried out in KZN and the Western Cape is the alternative side of this anger, released in a peacefully organised enactment of collective unrest at societal conditions and inept Government planning. Rising living costs are not unique to South Africa ; in fact the global capitalist economy is currently facing the most serious financial crisis since the Great Depression. The price of oil is being forced up by current geopolitical events, while the transnational food shortage is the cause of basic commodities rising in price. In South Africa however the series of sharp increases in the price of daily amenities has been combined with a steep hike in electricity which is due to the poor planning of the Government and ESKOM resulting in an escalated interest rate. These factors are being felt by those with the greatest need in society and are the fuel of the labour-force’s desire to speak out against Thabo Mbeki and the Government that they feel are supporting the bourgeois while neglecting the proletarians.
It has been estimated that around 80% of employees were absent from work in the Durban area on the 9th of July, in spite of the “no work, no pay” rule being fully implemented. A significant proportion of those on strike however did not march on city hall, but were to an extent peacefully coerced into taking to staying home. No roadblocks or violent measures were used, just a simple manipulation of institutional flaws. In a society with poor public transport the majority of the population rely on taxis to ferry them to and from work everyday. Drivers are of course one of the groups most directly effected by the rising price of oil. It was an easy decision for taxi associations to stand strong in unified protest in an attempt to close the city. The success of this move reveals South Africa’s susceptibility and capitalist societies in general to the will of workers ; the system being practically hamstrung by a single section of the populous taking affirmative action.
In the eyes of many the day was a success ; people turned out in their thousands to support a worthy cause in a loud, positive and peaceful manner, and the united power of the workers was revealed. Institutions and economic activity were disrupted in KZN and in the Western Cape. Businesses along Durban’s main streets of commerce were shuttered and the traders and hawkers were absent. It was also reported that two large factories opted to close for the day due to the lack of workers. Both economic activity and production levels were significantly impacted in the strike without the use of blockades or any means of intimidation or coercion. Thus many felt that on Wednesday the 9th the Government was shown that the workers were not willing to placidly watch socio-economics conditions deteriorate, and showed that ignoring their views could have serious economic consequence.
Despite the success of the strike in many quarters, a number of industries went unaffected by the workers actions : Durban’s SAPREF oil refinery and the nearby Richards Bay Coal Terminal operated normally with no reports of disruptions at gold, platinum, coal and diamond mines. Not all unions took part in the strike either, as the National Health and Allied Workers’ Union opted to abstain from action ; stating that medical personnel would not take part in the strike.
A week after the events in KZN and the Western Cape the movement spread inland with further strikes taking place across the country in the Free State, Northern Cape and Mpumalanga. A number of industries were affected in the three provinces including gold production, and clothing, textiles, and footwear industries. These strikes on the 16th of July signal a growing campaign that is building momentum for mass action which will culminate on the 6th of August with a nationwide strike that aims to shut down the entire economy. COSATU believe it is the best way for protesters to express their frustration to ANC politicians and show that workers are not content with basic amenities being put out of their reach. It will also cause concern for the ruling party if they realise that they are alienating themselves from voters ahead of 2009’s elections.
Some commentators, however, have criticised the planned strike claiming it will further economic problems rather than having a positive impact ; suggesting the strike would harm the unemployed by undermining economic growth and aggravating poverty. Opposition parties also raised concerns, the Democratic Alliance (DA) questioned if a strike was the way to go in dealing with high fuel and food prices ; while the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) said it fully supported the strike, however it found it ironic that COSATU, which is part of the government, could march against the government. How much of an impact a day of strike will have on the economy, and if it will put further strain on those in most need is debatable, nevertheless such comments deflect the real significance of the movement. If the 6th of August strike is successful and workers are able to take to the streets across the country in a peaceful protest and legitimately air their grievances it should have a great impact on the Government, and perhaps influence positive policy change. If the collective consciousness of ordinary workers can be amalgamated into a positive force rather than a negative form experienced during the explosion of xenophobic violence two months prior, then the Government will have to think closely about future strategies with regard to the economic and energy policies, and how it treats the working class.
The irony noted by the IFP is not just oppositional rhetoric but reflects important political developments that should be noted. Thabo Mbeki and his neo-liberal policies have fallen out of favour with sections of the ANC. Jacob Zuma, his successor, is being seen as the answer to the failures of post-apartheid South African politics with his politics leaning to the left he seems ideologically positioned to round-up Mbeki’s dissidents. It appears as though Zuma is simply using the vocabulary of the left as part of a populist programme to garner support from factions aligned with the ANC that are growing in unrest at their bourgeois orientated policies. If Zuma does become the next President of South Africa, however, he will not change entrenched ANC economic policies that have led to the current situation, a reality that COSATU and other workers must be aware of. With an upcoming election it may be the case that the momentum gathered by COSATU will be used as Zuma’s election campaign rather than being used for positive policy change.
COSATU may be too closely aligned with the ruling party to effectively represent the needs of its workers against negative state policy, and their influence seems to suggest the result in an election clear cut. There is thus a need to fill the political vacuum created by this contradiction of interests and severe the capitalist state from the socialist workers. Those involved in the movement for social and political change should look hard to see what affective measures can be utilised in order to capture the imagination of the workers. For there exists a social consciousness in the workers of South Africa, one that can be pulled together and cause wide-spread disruption to the normality of society ; but it seems to be held in the grip of post-apartheid denialism. The ruling party that brought workers the social equality they desired is failing to bring them economic parity they require, and yet they are still being supported. It is entirely possible that those perpetuating this contradiction are aware of its existence and may be easily swayed to see that the ones they praise in their songs are the ones they should be denouncing.
